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28-04-2015, 15:11

The Late Neolithic Period

The Late Neolithic period is characterized by marked social changes that paved the way for the subsequent era of powerful Bronze Age states. Major changes in the nature of settlements took place. Clear settlement hierarchies developed in several regions, revealing the presence of regional polities. The kind(s) of regional polities that developed is under debate. There also were changes in the form of individual settlements. A minority of settlements became much larger in size, and increasingly more were surrounded by walls and moats. Emerging urbanism is evident from changes such as increase in the density of sites on a regional basis. Intercommunity violence took place, but the extent of warfare is not known. Burials indicate more rigidly defined positions of social status. High social status is marked by different kinds of laborintensive, prestigious goods including thin-walled pottery vessels and jade items. Traces of metal at Neolithic sites indicate experimentation with metallurgy, but the process is not perfected until the Erlitou state era, after c. 1800 BC. Most archaeological research has taken place in the north, particularly in the Yellow River valley. The final Neolithic period here, c. 2600-1900 BC, is referred to as the Longshan period. Ever year, however, stunning discoveries take place in other areas. It is clear that more than one area contributed to the rise of early Chinese civilization.

Northern China

Regional surveys have been indispensable for identifying the presence of settlement hierarchies in the Yellow River valley. Longshan period sites range in size from a few hectares to c. 300 ha. Large centers supported by networks of smaller settlements have been identified in several regions in the central and lower Yellow River valley. Few traces of elite architecture, such as palaces, that could be identified from surveys survive in the area. In most cases, however, surveys and excavations reveal concentrations of labor-intensive, prestige goods such as thin-walled pottery and jade items in the relatively large sites. Thus far, systematic, regional surveys have taken place primarily in two areas: the Yi-Luo river valley in central Henan, and the Rizhao area in southeastern Shandong. This method of survey, systematically checking for traces of settlements over the entire landscape, provides a more complete picture of settlement patterns than traditional reconnaissance methods. The traditional method, however, has provided valuable clues for the existence of settlement hierarchies in several other areas during the Longshan period. These areas include northern Henan, southeastern Henan, southern Shanxi, western Shandong, and north-central Shandong.

Much research has focused on the numerous sites from the Longshan period that have surrounding walls of rammed earth. This method of making a solid wall from the silty soil prevalent in northern China is very time consuming, requiring excessive pounding and compressing with wooden tools. Although it is often assumed that elites supervised construction of such walls, there could have been cooperative work teams managed by kin groups like lineages. Sites with rammed earth walls (Figure 7) have been found in northern Henan (Mengzhuang, Hougang), central Henan (Wangchenggang, Guchengzhai), southern Shanxi (Taosi), easternHenan (Haojiatai, Pingliangtai), western Shandong (Jingyanggang), north-central Shandong (Dinggong, Chengziyai, Tianwang, Bianxian-wang), and southeastern Shandong (Dantu, first built during the Late Dawenkou period), and northern Jiangsu (Tenghualuo). Although it is often assumed that these sites are regional centers, some are relatively small in size. In order to ascertain the role of a site within its region, other methods such as systematic survey and excavation are needed. It is intriguing that no Longshan period sites surrounded by walls of rammed earth were found in the Yi-Luo region where the first undisputed state, Erlitou, developed.

Figure 7 Late Neolithic sites in China. 1, Wangchenggang; 2, Guchengzhai; 3, Pingliangtai; 4, Haojiatai; 5, Mengzhuang; 6, Hougang; 7, Baiying; 8, Jiangou; 9, Taosi; 10, Xinhua; 11, Chengziyai; 12, Dinggong; 13, Tianwang; 14, Bianxianwang; 15, Zhufeng; 16, Jingyanggang; 17, Yinjiacheng; 18, Liangchengzhen; 19, Dantu; 20, Tenghualuo; 21, Dadianzi; 22, Karuo; 23, Sichuan basin sites; 24, Shijiahe; 25, Beinan; 26, Lajia.


In southeastern Shandong, Dantu is clearly not the largest settlement; Liangchengzhen is much larger.

The presence of a surrounding, earthen wall at a Longshan site is often regarded as an indicator of a city. Scholars have argued that cities in more than one historic era of China are large, walled settlements. Abundant archaeological research in other areas of the world has shown, however, that the rise of urbanism cannot be understood simply by the presence of a single feature such as a wall. For one thing, occupation debris has been found beyond the extent of the walls at some sites. Urbanism is a process involving changes in the distribution of settlements within a region (see Civilization and Urbanism, Rise of). Nucleation of population occurs in certain areas, while other areas may experience a decline in population. Although features such as ceramic drainage pipes and moats (at Pingliangtai, for example) point to a new form of settlement, regional survey data are needed to trace the rise of urbanism in China as well. In addition, the possible economic, political, or ideological reasons for population nucleation need to be investigated. This can only be investigated by identifying all the contemporary settlements within a given region, not just the ones with walls. The social, political, and economic relations between the walled sites in each region (Wangchenggang, Guchengzhai, for example) cannot be investigated adequately without more survey or excavation data.

The variation in settlements and supporting data from excavations demonstrate that several regional polities developed in the Yellow River valley during the Longshan period. Although more excavations are needed to identify the nature of these polities, some important aspects of these polities can be noted. The presence of more powerful elites than during the Middle Neolithic period is evident from striking variation in housing, craft goods, and burials. There are clues that more than one form of competition between elites took place during the Longshan period. Some valuable information comes from excavated sites with no surrounding walls. More projects focusing on regions, not just individual sites, are needed to understand key social changes from the early phases of the Longshan period to the late. It is important to keep in mind that each walled site was occupied for at least 200 years. Interpretations about social change need to refer to specific phases of the Longshan period.

Rammed earth platforms that formed the foundation of structures used by elites have been found at several sites, including Wangchenggang and Jingyang-gang. These would have included elite residences and structures for public affairs managed by elites such as rituals. The most convincing elite residence has been found at the site of Guchengzhai. Archaeologists uncovered a unique structure for the Longshan period. It is large in size (c. 380 m2), with traces of a long corridor along the entranceway that would have ensured more privacy for the activities inside. It appears that large, rammed earth platforms at Jingyanggang were used for ritual activities such as feasting. As seen for the Middle Neolithic period, elites had key roles in ritual activities for the welfare of their communities (see Food and Feasting, Social and Political Aspects). Similarly, at Taosi in Shanxi, remains of a structure interpreted as a palace were found. Another major discovery was an earthen feature interpreted as an astronomical observatory and locus for sacrifices to the gods.

More labor-intensive goods have been found in burials than in habitation areas. The Longshan period is famous for its rare, extremely thin-walled, ‘eggshell-thin’ pottery vessels. The thinnest of these vessels are found in Shandong province and represent the epitome of labor-intensive production. Probably these were made for burial, since they were too fragile to use in life. They have been found in burials at sites such as Yinjiacheng and Zhufeng, along with other highly polished, black, thin vessels. Fewer quantities of vessels were buried with the deceased at Longshan sites, although there still was an effort to include more than one functional type of vessel for use in the afterlife. In the Shanxi area, elites valued other kinds of pottery vessels. At the Taosi site, elite burials contain beautiful painted vessels with various designs, including a dragon. In each area, it is likely that elites sponsored the production of fine wares in some way. It appears that some elites attempted to find new methods of displaying status with material goods. Traces of copper or bronze were found at a few sites, indicating efforts to produce bronze items - vessels, tools, or both.

Jade also was highly valued during the Longshan period. Jade items are relatively rare and found mostly in burials. Specialist crafts people made a variety of ornaments, but symbolic weapons such as long, thin knives (no traces of use) are predominant. These likely served as symbols of power. Unfortunately, many such jade weapons were recovered without proper excavations. Thus more specific information on dating and use cannot be obtained. A variety of beautiful jades were found in high-ranking burials at Zhufeng, Yinjiacheng, and Taosi. An exceptional array of jade symbolic weapons (knives, scepters, ‘battle-axes’) and ornamental items was found recently at the Xinhua site in Shaanxi. Most of the jades were found in a pit within a cemetery area, probably a ritual offering pit.

The variation in the nature of sites, housing, craft goods, and burials provides a picture of increasing social stratification during the Longshan period in comparison to preceding periods. The excavated cemeteries such as Yinjiacheng and Taosi show that the majority of graves were small and contained few, if any, items, in contrast to a minority of graves with wooden coffins and exquisite, prestige goods. At the same time, a few sites, such as Hougang and Baiying, show that a range of households had access to some prestigious ceramics (thin-walled, polished).

More research is needed to identify how craft production was organized for prestige goods versus utilitarian goods. It is likely that part-time specialists made both kinds of goods. Little is known about the nature of exchange systems during the Longshan period. Styles of pottery vessels and jades reveal interactions between regions. These stylistic similarities might be explained by the movement of peoples, local production imitating foreign styles, or exchange of finished products (see Exchange Systems ).

Competition over resources (such as land, agricultural labor, food, raw materials for prestige goods, or finished prestige goods) probably was one factor driving social change during the Longshan period. Although the increase in walled sites during the Long-shan period prompts many scholars to argue for a high prevalence of warfare, more evidence is needed. At least occasional raiding took place, given the walled enclosures and potential weapons in residential areas (projectile points). One walled enclosure, Pingliangtai, has features interpreted as guardhouses. The specific evidence for warfare in individual regions needs to be assessed, including careful consideration of dating within the long Longshan period. Physical evidence for violent death is rare. One convincing case is the remains at Jiangou in southern Hebei. There excavators found jumbled bodies in a pit, and a few skulls bearing signs of scalping.

The next decade promises to be an exciting one, as archaeologists uncover more evidence for the development and nature of regional polities that developed in northern China during the Longshan period. Scholars are divided as to whether these polities represent chiefdoms, or early states. There is no consensus among those who argue for early states, either. Both city-states and larger, territorial states have been proposed as appropriate models. Given the prevalence of warfare during the historic period, many scholars expect that warfare was a key factor in state formation during earlier periods. Prowess in warfare was a characteristic of leaders in Early Bronze Age states and was no doubt valued during the Late Neolithic period. At present, however, there is much more evidence for warfare in northern China after known states developed, rather than before.

Other Areas of China

It is clear that complex societies developed during the Late Neolithic period in other areas of China, too. In northeast China, a number of post-Hongshan, walled sites made from stone were built at the time of the Late Dawenkou and Late Yangshao periods, and occupied through the equivalent of the Early Longshan period. Late Neolithic cultures in some regions here persisted after early states had developed in the Yellow River valley. Recent research on sites such as Dadianzi from the Lower Xiajiadian period (c. 2200-1600 B. C.) has identified high-ranking burials on the basis of intricately painted pottery vessels and jade items. Thus, there were similar values about prestige goods in mortuary ritual from distant, and very different areas of China during the Late Neolithic period. This also is evident from excavations at the Beinan site in southern Taiwan. Here, beautiful jade ornaments were included in the graves of high-ranking individuals. An interesting local feature was the use of stone coffins instead of wooden coffins as seen on the mainland.

Excavations of settlement areas in other southerly areas of China point clearly to the development of complex societies. In the central Yangzi River valley, archaeologists have defined a ‘Hubei Longshan’ culture c. 2500-2000 BC that is similar in many respects to the more northern variants of Longshan culture. Excavations at the large, walled settlement (including moats) of Shijiahe have revealed some unusual remains. Within the walled enclosure, excavators found thousands of small, red pottery cups in the Sanfangwan area to the south, probable remains of ritual activities. In the Dengjiawan cemetery to the north, there were over 1000 small clay figurines of people and animals (domesticated and wild) in two pits. These also probably were used in rituals. Some large structures at the site appear to be elite residences. As seen elsewhere, a common theme in more than one area is the association of ritual activities with elites. Management of ritual was an important aspect of leadership, probably providing individuals the authority to rule. The enormous area around Shijiahe actually includes several separate sites, many of which were first occupied during the Late Qujialing period. In the Xiaojiawuj'i cemetery, numerous jade items were found, including some stunning pendants with finely carved human faces (Figure 8). Most recently, there have been discoveries of late prehistoric, walled sites in the Sichuan basin as well. These are important because they indicate the likelihood of a local complex society before the spectacular Sanxingdui Early Bronze Age culture developed.

At the same time, excavations in more westerly areas of China are informing us about different kinds of lifestyles during the Neolithic period. Excavations at the Karuo site in eastern Tibet uncovered a small, farming village with a variety of tools and pottery vessels not seen in other areas. Jade items were found, though, indicating some shared values with more easterly areas. More excavations in westernmost China ought to reveal traces of nomadic peoples, as known from historic times.

Lastly, the findings that reveal the lives of ordinary people during the Late Neolithic period of China are

Figure 8 Jade from Xiaojiawuji. Adapted from Shijiahe Team (1999) Xiaojiawuji, Vols. 1 and2, plate 2.1. Beijing: Wenwu Press.

Equally as important as the remains of elites. Recently, one bowl of preserved, millet noodles from a Qijia culture site in Qinghai province called Lajia, dated to c. 2000 BC, captivated the world. Before this discovery, the Qijia culture was better known from burials in the upper Yellow River valley. This famous site demonstrates the value of archaeology for informing us about the full range of lifestyles in prehistory.



 

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